Chachapoyas Mummies: Evidence of Cultural Contact and Influence

Chachapoyas Mummy (Guillen, 2004)

 

The Chachapoyas are a pre-Columbian group that resided in the northeastern regions of Peru from AD 800-1470.  The name Chachapoyas may not have been their own but instead given to them by their Inca conquerors.  The name means either wild men of the forest (in reference to how the Inca characterized them, as fierce warriors and farmers) or the people of the clouds (made in reference to the high cliffs in the Amazonian basin their villages existed upon).  The Chachapoyas maintained their own culture and traditions until they were conquered by the Inca in 1470, in which case several changes occurred as a result.  One of those changes is the focus of this blog post: the changes to their mortuary traditions.  These will be discussed in depth herein.

Prior to the Inca conquest the Chachapoyas, who resided in the tropical Amazonian rainforest of Peru, practiced their own mortuary traditions.  These involved secondary burials that occurred after the bodies naturally decomposed.  It is believed that the bones of commoners were collected and wrapped in tight bundles, while the bodies of the elites were interred in anthropomorphic sarcophagi, chullpas (mortuary houses), under houses, and in walls. 

After the Chachapoyas were conquered, however, their mortuary traditions changed drastically.  The Chachapoyas began practicing mummification, much like the Inca, but the traditions between the Inca and the Chachapoyas were quite different.  The Inca, who resided in the Andean highlands, had the benefit of optimal environmental conditions that allowed for spontaneous, or natural mummification.  The Chachapoyas lived in a tropical environment, which inhibited natural mummification or easy preservation of the bodies of any dead.  Therefore, the Chachapoyas had to manipulate the bodies to produce mummies, a process known as anthropogenic mummification.  

Chachapoyas Mummies (Nystrom et al., 2005)

  

This process is believed to have taken place in a different area where conditions were optimal to allow for a drying out of the body.  The process was quickened by the removal of the lower internal organs (e.g. stomach, intestines, bladder, liver, etc.), which were confiscated through either the anus or vagina.  This hole was plugged with seeds and cloth, and the mouth and nostrils were filled with cotton, as well, so as to maintain the natural form of the face.  A cloth scarf was wrapped around the neck in order to keep the head up.  The body was then wrapped in a series of natural colored cloths made of cotton and/or vegetal matter, which acted as an additional means of preserving the body.  The body was then laid to rest in the chullpas, replacing the original Chachapoyas burials that existed in the mortuary house. 

The Inca-Chachapoyas mummification practices were completed on men, women, and children.  It is believed that this was reserved for only elites, particularly those loyal to the Inca.  This, however, is only conjecture at this point.  Further study into the Chachapoyas is necessary to gain further insights into their mortuary and other cultural traditions.  What is clear is that Inca contact with the Chachapoyas changed their way of life, particularly in regards to their mortuary traditions, and it is suspected that it affected other ways of life, as well.

Bibliography

Friedrich, K. M., Nemec, S., Czerny, C., Fischer, H., Plischke, S., Gahleitner, A., ... & Guillen, S. (2010). The story of 12 Chachapoyan mummies through multidetector computed tomography. European journal of radiology, 76(2), 143-150.

Guillén, S. E. (2004). Artificial mummies from the Andes. Collegium antropologicum, 28(2), 141-157.

Nystrom, K. C., Buikstra, J. E., & Muscutt, K. (2010). Chachapoya mortuary behavior: A consideration of method and meaning. Chungara, Revista de Antropología Chilena, 42(2).

Nystrom, K. C., Goff, A., & Goff, M. L. (2005). Mortuary behaviour reconstruction through palaeoentomology: a case study from Chachapoya, Perú. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 15(3), 175-185.

Applying Anthropology: Linguistic Anthropology

Figure 1: David J. Peterson, Hollywood Linguist (Source: LA Times)

While anthropology is traditionally associated with four subfields there is an unofficial fifth: applied anthropology, which is when anthropologists use the method and theory derived from a specific subfield or various subfields to solve specific problems.  Typically, when one thinks of problems they think of economic, political, or social issues.  While many applied anthropologists do work in organizations solving such problems the notion of what the term “problem” means can be much broader than this initial definition.  It can and does tend to include any issue that an individual, group, or organization faces, meaning that private sector issues can be included.  It is this creative thinking that actually drives applied anthropology and applied anthropologists into a number of jobs outside of academia, which is what will be explored in today’s blog post, at least for linguistic anthropologists.  In this blog post you will learn about some potential career options for applied linguistic anthropologists.

Language Documentation & Preservation

The most conventional means of employment for the applied linguistic anthropologist involves documenting and preserving endangered languages.  It is estimated that almost half of the world’s spoken languages are at threat of being lost, and with the loss of these languages there is also a loss of cultures and cultural knowledge.  The United Nations has taken special attention to this matter, recognizing 2019 as the Year of Indigenous Languages.  This initiative is meant to raise awareness of language endangerment, particularly among Indigenous populations, whose language but entire ways of life are at risk of loss. 

Linguistic anthropologists often are at the forefront of documenting and saving indigenous languages.  They do this by recording the language through audio and film, as well as documenting them through writing (as available-remember, not all languages have a corresponding writing system).  They do this to aid others in learning the language and any indigenous knowledge shared through the oral recordings.  They also work with various groups, including the native speakers, in creating and disseminating language dictionaries and other teaching materials.  These initiatives have been successful in some areas of the world (e.g. Irish Gaelic and N||ng), but there remains plenty of work to be done.

Science Fiction & Fantasy Language Writers

The television series Game of Thrones might be over, but it provides an excellent example of how a linguistic anthropologist (or linguist generally) can find gainful employment outside of academia.  Linguist David J. Peterson (Figure 1) was the mastermind behind the Dothraki and High Valyrian languages spoken on the show, but he has also been employed in a variety of other Hollywood film and television series projects, including Bright, where he created the languages spoken by the orcs and elves, as well as Thor: The Dark World, where he created the Shivaisith language. 

Peterson is by no means the first linguist to create a fictional language for literature.  J.R. Tolkein, who wrote The Hobbit and Lord of the Rings series, was a linguist turned fiction writer who spent years creating and documenting the languages spoken in his works.  In fact, there is actually a book exclusively on how to speak elven based on Tolkein’s created world (and yes, there are people who have dedicated much study and practice to learning and speaking Elfish).

Given the rise in popularity in science fiction and fantasy based literature and television programming there may be a sharp increase in the number of linguists-anthropological or otherwise-to meet the demands in Hollywood to create new and original languages that captivate audiences.  Before you dismiss this idea as short lived please be aware that Illinois does recognize Klingon as an official language, which is a language associated with the Star Trek universe (a show created in the mid-20^th century, and this specific language was generated in 1984).

Linguists and Industry

Artificial intelligence (AI) is all the rage these days, and computer scientists are employing linguistic anthropologists to assist with language recognition.  While this is a relatively new and burgeoning area of employment for linguistic anthropologists other industries have been employing linguistic anthropologists for these very same reasons already.  How many of you (readers) speak to Siri or other device?  You can thank a linguistic anthropologist for enabling your device to not only speak to you but listen to you.  They have also enabled devices to respond in appropriate ways (e.g. if you call Siri a bad name she will admonish you, or in the case of a friend, you can teach Siri new and interesting phrases that you have her address you as). 

Text-to-speech options in phones and computer programs were also made possible by the collaborative efforts of computer scientists and linguists.  This makes life easier for people with disabilities, as well as drivers and riders safer on the roads as people use hands free options on their mobile devices (or at least you all should be!). 

Linguistic anthropologists are continually being employed in industry for other reasons, such as in advertising and marketing.  Understanding what specific words mean in another language can be useful in successfully selling your product, specifically as linguistic anthropologists not only know and speak the language but also have an understanding of the cultural uses of it (e.g. Quebecois French).  This also enables linguistic anthropologists to be versatile and able to be used in a variety of business settings, which is why knowing another language (or two) makes one very employable. 

Bibliography

Blake, Meredith. "How ‘Game of Thrones’ linguist David J. Peterson became Hollywood’s go-to language guy." Los Angeles Times 9 April 2019. Electronic.

Macaulay, Monica and Kristin Syrett. Linguistic Society of America. No Date. Electronic. 5 June 2019.

Shurkin, Joel. "Half The World's Languages May Be Endangered." Inside Science 20 August 2014. Electronic.

United Nations. United Nations. 12 January 2019. Electronic. 5 June 2019.

The Ainu: Japan’s Indigenous Population

Figure 1: Ainu Elder (Photo Credit: The Ainu Museum)

You probably have heard about American Indians, indigenous populations that existed in North, Central, and South America before colonization, but you probably have heard very little (if anything) about indigenous populations that exist around the globe.  There are several of these groups that exist globally.  Today’s blog post will discuss one such the group: the Ainu (Figure 1).  Through this blog post you will learn more about the Ainu, their culture, and their continuing struggles to gain and maintain their identity and freedoms.

The term Ainu means “human”.  For those of you who have studied cultural groups or are familiar with the series of posts that cover specific ethnic groups on this blog you may have noticed that this is a recurring them among various groups, to refer to themselves as people.  Sometimes this is because the group wants to differentiate itself from other foreign groups, but in the case of the Ainu it is actually to distinguish themselves from the animistic spirits and gods that exist around them.  The Ainu believe that spirits and gods exist in various natural and man-made forms, and much of their ritual life revolves around this belief.

The origins of the Ainu are imprecisely known, largely due to a lack of focus of study on their past, but based on linguistic studies of the Ainu language they are be a unique linguistic and cultural group with no relationship with other Asiatic groups.  Today, the Ainu can be found in Japan (on the islands of Hokkaido and Honshu) and Russia (on Sakhalin Island) (Figure 2).  A few thousand Ainu exist today, although the exact population numbers are unknown.  This is in part due to no accurate census data being taken over the past decades, as well as a known steep decline in their populations due to the ravages of disease, murders, and the forced assimilation and family separations promoted and practiced by the Japanese government.

Figure 2: Ainu Occupation in Japan Today (Photo Credit: Ainu Museum)

While many Ainu exist today they often practice little of their original culture.  Traditions, such as tattooing girls who reach puberty and the abstention of shaving among men of a certain age, are no longer practiced, and very few Ainu speakers exist, making their language critically endangered.  Also gone are many of the traditional Ainu ceremonies that involved bears.  The iyomante was a ceremony involving the capture of a bear cub, which was raised in captivity before being ritualistically sacrificed in adulthood.  This ceremony was meant to mimic the role of the Bear God, who would sacrifice himself to feed the Ainu residing in the afterlife.  While little is known at this time it is known that the Ainu traditionally had a great fondness and affinity for bears as demonstrated in their iconography, dress, and their presence in the zooarchaeological records of Ainu sites.

From ethnohistoric records it is known that the Ainu were traditionally hunters and foragers, who were also involved in long distance trade.  They were adept seafarers who would sail from the Japanese Islands to China to initiate trade for themselves and others (e.g. Wajin, the term the Ainu used for the Japanese).  Atypical of hunting-gathering groups the Ainu were sedentary, residing in permanent villages that they called kotans.  They lived in nuclear-family residences, where they paid homage to their ancestral spirits and their gods, specifically the Bear God.  Each village was led by a Village Head. 

Beginning in the 1400s the Ainu began to suffer at the hands of the Wajin, who began to systematically oppress them.  The Ainu attempted to fight these oppression, but they lost the numerous fights they undertook with the Japanese.  In 1789 the Japanese had fully conquered the Ainu, and they institutionalized prejudicial practices against them.  The first of these were forced assimilation practices that were intended to culturally and biologically wipe the Ainu out.  Eventually these practices gave way to more informal, social means of prejudice against the Ainu, which led to issues with Ainu being able to marry outside of their group, to be employed, and to receive educations.  Many Ainu and Japanese-Ainu individuals would purposefully lie about their ancestry to avoid being discriminated against. 

Recently, though, the Ainu have made great strides in gaining rights and privileges in Japan.  This was largely led by various Ainu throughout history, but it was the work of Shigeru Kayano, who sued the Japanese government and eventually became the first Ainu individual to serve in the Japanese Parliament, who began to make political headway on behalf of the Ainu.  It was only earlier this year, however, that the Japanese government officially recognized the Ainu as an Indigenous population.  This came about from growing pressures both within and outside of the country, as well as a desire to provide a favorable outlook on both the Ainu and Japanese as a whole for the upcoming 2020 Olympic Games, which will prominently feature Ainu culture.  These are positive steps in improving Ainu culture and the livelihood of the Ainu people in Japan.

Bibliography

Ainu Association of Hokkaido. "The beginning of history." No Date. Ainu Association of Hokkaido. Electronic. 5 June 2019.

Ainu Museum. The Ainu People. No Date. Electronic. 5 June 2019.

Isabella, Jude. "The Untold Story of Japan’s First People." 25 October 2017. Sapiens. Electronic. 5 June 2019.

Minority Rights Group. "Ainu." April 2018. World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples (Minority Rights Group). Electronic. 5 June 2019.