Saturday, September 28, 2019

The Ojibwa Shaking Tent Ceremony: A Means of Healing

Figure 1: Geographical Distribution of Ojibwa groups


As diverse as cultures are so are their practices.  There are various different ways of securing marriage, exchanging goods, regulating behavior, and more, but at present a topic not particularly addressed in this medium (the blog) is the various ways that different cultural groups define health and seek treatment.  Today’s blog post is dedicated to addressing one such cultural group and their way of pursuit of wellness: the Shaking Tent Ceremony of the Ojibwa.

The Ojibwa, also referred to as the Anishinaabe, are an American Indian/Canadian Indigenous group that resides in the northern Midwestern regions of North America, traditionally settling what is identified in modern day terms as the regions of Michigan, Wisconsin, New York, Minnesota, Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec (Figure 1).  They were traditionally a group of hunters and gatherers who made best use of the lands of their territory, but European contact changed their subsistence strategies and cultural practices drastically.  While much has changed the Ojibwa continue to maintain their traditional ways of life as much as possible, and the Shaking Tent Ceremony is one such practice that persists among some today.

The Shaking Tent Ceremony is a ceremony meant to aid an individual in solving a particular problem, be it locating a lost item or healing a physical or spiritually induced illness.  It is reported that these latter situations were the most common reason why the Shaking Tent Ceremony was performed.  This ceremony could only be completed by a designated Medicine Man who had the power and authority to consult the spirits-be they ancestral or natural.  Note, the Ojibwa identify any living entities as having a spirit, which can be consulted as necessary through a variety of means, such as fasting or dream walking, but Medicine Men held a special place in Ojibwa society due to their abilities to contact the spirits safely and effectively.  

Figure 2: John King and his Shaking Tent, 1942. (Source: Robert E. Ritzenthaler)


In order for a Shaking Tent Ceremony to occur an individual had to contact the Medicine Man and make the appropriate request for the ceremony.  If this request was deemed appropriate the Medicine Man would construct the tent or wigwam for the ceremony (Figure 2).  This structure typically consisted of a pole framework that was narrow but high (up to seven feet).  It would be covered with animal skins, birchbark, and/or blankets on all sides except the top.  The top was always left uncovered as this was where the spirits would enter to speak with the Medicine Man.  The Medicine Man would fast prior to beginning the ceremony, and at the appropriate time he would enter the tent to call upon the ancestors.  This was a process that involved drumming and singing throughout the night and a great deal of patients as the spirits were contacted and eventually made contact.  This contact was established and noted by when and how the tent would shake, which is when the Medicine Man would speak with the spirits for their counsel on the matter that brought about the ceremony.  Upon the completion of the ceremony the Medicine Man would return to the individual who requested the ceremony and report what appropriate actions needed to take place. 

While many outsiders have witnessed this ceremony and expressed their doubts at the accuracy of this ceremony there has been no evidence that demonstrates any faulty handling or deception in these ceremonies.  This means that there is no evidence to demonstrate that the Medicine Man is shaking the tent or causing any sort of movement of it as a form of deception.  Ultimately, however, it does not matter what outsiders believe because practitioners believe that the Shaking Tent Ceremony is effective and it remains a popular medicinal option among various members of Ojibwa tribes as well as related Indigenous groups.  Ultimately, the end result of such ceremony is that the individual either is made or feels better, which is the end goal of such ceremonies.

References

LaPointe, Donald. The power of traditional ways. No Date. Electronic. 31 July 2019.
Milwaukee Public Museum. Medicine and Healing. No Date. Electronic. 31 July 2019.
Peters-Golden, Holly. "Ojibwa." Peters-Golden, Holly. Culture Sketches: Case Studies in Anthropology. McGraw Education, 2011.
When Everybody Called Me Gabe-bines, "Forever-Flying-Bird": Teachings from Paul Buffalo. University of Minnesota-Duluth. 2019. Electronic. 31 July 2019.

Saturday, September 21, 2019

The Magnificent Angkor: Capital of One of the World’s Largest Empires

Figure 1: Angkor (Image Source: UNESCO)


When many people think about archaeology they think of large scale architecture, ruins lost to time, potentially dangerous jungles or other environmental hazards to get through, and similarly rendered images and themes spring to mind.  These are actually quite true (or were true) for the archaeological site of Angkor, which has been largely restored and currently protected by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).  This monumental site is equally matched in its physical and social grandeur, which will be further discussed in this blog post.

The site of Angkor (Figure 1) is located in Cambodia, and it was originally the capital city of the great Khmer empire that spanned across most of Southeast Asia.  The city itself spans approximately 400 square kilometers, making it one of the largest cities in the pre-modern world.  While it used to boast residences, shops, and other structures made of bamboo, wood, and thatch it is survived by monumental towers, religious structures, walls, roads, and reservoirs constructed of stone and laterite.  It is estimated that thousands of people were needed to construct this city, which was home to commoners and elites alike, based on the magnitude and size of the buildings, the delicate craftsmanship of the artistry, and fine inscriptions and paintings that survive on the walls of various structures.  This assumption is further supported by studies that demonstrate that the laterite used in the construction efforts was quarried from several dozen miles away and transported via waterways.  This alone would have required large scale labor efforts.

Angkor was constructed between A.D. 1113 and 1150, and various parts of the city were constructed by the rules of the Khmer empire.  Angkor’s most famous temple, Angkor Wat, was constructed under the commission of ruler Suryavarman, who had an affinity toward the Hindi god Vishnu.  Various Hindi gods are honored throughout Angkor, which is believed to have meant to model the mythical city of Mount Meru, the homeland of the gods.  As Khmer rulers abandoned Hinduism and began practicing Buddhism the Hindi gods and worship were abandoned and various monuments to Buddha were erected.  The previous Hindi gods were not destroyed, although there is evidence of reconstruction over previously sacred places and spaces throughout the complex.  It is unclear if these were purposeful deconstructions or just reuse of dilapidated spaces.

Archaeologists have learned a great deal of information from the monuments that remain standing at Angkor.  Glimpses into the daily lives of both commoners and elites are provided through hidden paintings that have been discovered throughout the site.  Archaeological excavations within and around the city have also provided insights into the daily activities that occurred within and around the city.  Unfortunately, heavy looting of the area has tampered with some of that knowledge acquisition and interpretation, but overall archaeologists have been able to reconstruct the vibrant lives of the million people who resided at the site.  Extensive trade networks, a military class, religious activities, daily commerce, and more occurred throughout the metropolis, providing insights into the Khmer empire and culture.

Research at the site is ongoing, but it was almost lost.  When the site was initially brought to the public’s attention by the French colonists the site was damaged due to tourism and looters.  When the site was declared a UNESCO World Archaeological Site it was also identified as at high risk of loss.  This attention by UNESCO, however, allowed for greater preservation of the site, which the Cambodian government had been doing for years prior, but the external support was helpful in restoring and protecting the site.  As the years go on and research projects continue there will be more learned about the people who existed at Angkor.

References

Chandler, D. (2019). The Legacy of Angkor. Retrieved from AsiaSociety.org: https://asiasociety.org/education/legacy-angkor
Jarus, O. (2018, April 5). Angkor Wat: History of Ancient Temple . Retrieved from LiveScience: https://www.livescience.com/23841-angkor-wat.html
National Geographic Staff. (2018, September 26). Soar Over Cambodia's Stunning Stone City. Retrieved from National Geographic: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/world-heritage/angkor/
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. (1992). Angkor. Retrieved from United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization: https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/668/

Saturday, September 14, 2019

Mother Tongue: Click Languages & Their Antiquity




Today’s blog post will address click languages, which are languages widely spoken throughout southern and eastern Africa.  These languages are named after the unique sounds used within them.  This alone, however, does not make them special.  Recent evidence suggests that these languages are actually languages that may most closely resemble the earliest human languages ever spoken.  All of these topics will be further explored in this blog post.

Click languages are languages defined by the series of clicking sounds made within them (see video).  These sounds are produced through the use of lips, throat, and/or tongue and resemble sharp popping or smacking sounds.  Click languages are common in Khoisan, Bantu, and Cushitic languages, thereby making up the majority of the consonants in these languages.  In Khoisan languages clicks make up the initial sounds of 70% of the words used.  The majority of click languages have on average three to five click sounds, although a few have one or two.

Recent studies have produced strong evidence that suggests the click languages most resemble the ancestral languages spoken by archaic Homo sapiens.  This is based on genetic studies of south and east African groups who speak these languages.  The genetic studies demonstrate a close resemblance between these and ancestral human groups, and the retention of their unique language is believed to be a remnant of early languages.

This begs the question as to how and why click languages originated.  It is believed that these click sounds are best adapted to the hunting and foraging lifestyles of these groups.  These clicks allow for ease in communication without disrupting the local wildlife that they rely on for sustenance.  They are subtle enough to not be noticed by animals but convey meanings specific to effective communication.  This also explains why these click languages persist today.

References

McWhorter, John. What Africa's Click Tongues Tell of Our Origins. 15 April 2011. Electronic. 30 July 2019.
Sands, Bonnie and Tom Güldemann. "What click languages can and can't tell us about language origins." Botha, Rudie and Chris Knight. The cradle of language. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. 204-218. Book.
Traill, Anthony. Click Languages. 2019. Electronic. 30 July 2019.
Wade, Nicholas. "In Click Languages, an Echo of the Tongues of the Ancients." New York Times 18 March 2003. Electronic.