Saturday, March 28, 2015

Identity Crisis: Exploring Intersection Theory



Social stratification, or the division of members of societies, can occur in a variety of ways, but the most common means of division is based on the identities of individuals (e.g. gender, ethnicity, race, sexuality, occupation, religion, etc.).  Typically, when one thinks about social stratification the focus is on one type of identity, but this is too simplistic and unrealistic.  All individuals have multiple identities.  For example, I (the author) am a woman, a daughter, a sister, a professor, etc.  It is the combination of these identities and their importance within society that dictates how an individual is treated.  In my case, I am treated differently from a man because I am a woman, and our society favors men.  I am also treated differently because of my occupation as a professor versus if I were a waitress.  

This trend was noted by Kimberle Crenshaw, who formally identified what is known as intersection theory, which is the analysis of the interplay of various types of identity often resulting in multiple dimensions of disadvantage.  In other words, individuals who hold multiple minority (less powerful) statuses will be treated more poorly and have greater social disadvantages as compared to those who do not have any or as many minority statuses attached to their overall identity.  Crenshaw believed it was important to acknowledge the effects of multiple identities, particularly among women, because the disadvantages felt by one minority group (e.g. women) will vary greatly within the group.  She pointed out that the disadvantages of white women will be different from those of an African American, Hispanic, or Asian women because these individuals would be more disadvantaged based on their status as women and racial/ethnic minorities.   Since Crenshaw’s initial identification of intersection theory, cultural scholars have expanded the definition to not just focus on the insectionality of women and their identities but to any individual considered to have a minority status/identity.
But how exactly does intersection theory work?  If we look at Crenshaw’s original idea, intersection theory & gender, in American society we can find some distinctive views about the gender roles of men and women.  A simple web search on the topic turned up that women are expected to want to marry to fulfill roles as wives and desire to bear and raise children.  Women are expected to put the family’s welfare above their own self-interests.  They are to be loving, compassionate, caring, nurturing, sympathetic, and emotional.  They are also supposed to strive to well kempt and always strive to be beautiful as a matter of attracting a male mate, to whom they must be submissive.  Men, on the other hand, are expected to be the “bread winner”, the financial provider.  Men are expected to be assertive, competitive, independent, courageous, and career-focused.  They should never be emotional, and they should be the sexual aggressor, seeking the companionship of a woman of their choosing.  

But will all women (or men, for that matter) be expected to fulfill these roles?  Are there factors that may affect how or the overall ability of women and men to fulfill these roles?  The correct answer is yes, there are.  As intersection theory states, it is the combination of multiple identities that affects how a person is treated, so an examination of an additional form of identity, race or ethnicity, in addition to gender demonstrates this point by providing the following gender stereotypes by race or ethnicity (again through a web search):

  • White men: Breadwinners, Providers, Family Men
  • White women: Domestic goddesses, mothers, homemakers
  • Black men: Gangsters, Lazy vagrants, criminals
  • Black women: Aunt Jemima, Crack Whore, welfare mothers, gold diggers
  • Hispanic men: Greasers, Lazy, Latin Lovers, Drug Dealer/Bandito
  • Hispanic women: Maids/Domestic Workers, Fiesty Latinas, Harlots
  • Native American men: Medicine Men, Drunk, Violent or Noble Savage
  • Native American women: Squaw, Princess
  • Asian men: Gangsters, Nerds, Controlling, Powerful, Wise Man
  • Asian women: Geishas, Submissive, Dragon lady

And careful analysis of these stereotypes demonstrates that men, particularly minority men, are depicted as powerful in some way (e.g. gangsters, drug dealers, leaders, aggressors), while women, particularly minority women, are continually depicted in a more negative manner (as submissive, dumb, sexually available). 

Figure 1: US Bureau of Labor Statistic Salary Differences by Gender & Race/Ethnicity
But how does intersection theory work in the real world?  Does it really matter?  Studies on income disparities seem to suggest that there is a correlation between holding multiple minority statuses and feeling more social disadvantage.  Income earnings data from 2011 as collected by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (division of the US Department of Labor) demonstrates that men, on average, make more than women, even when men and women work in the same or similar occupations.  On average, women make 88% as much as men’s weekly income.  But this income disparity situation gets worse when income differences are further broken down by gender and race (Figure 1).  Women continually make less than men, but minority women make far less than white women and even less than white men.

Overall, these data demonstrate that Whites and Asians, who are associated with positive stereotypes, are economically advantaged as compared to Blacks and Hispanics, who are associated with negative stereotypes, and are economically disadvantaged.  Many may claim that this economic disparity is not surprising due to various factors (e.g. level of education), but other sources report that even in cases where minorities have professional degrees, they make far less than Whites and Asians with professional degrees.  Minorities with professional degrees usually make a wage/salary similar to Whites & Asians with bachelors or associates degrees and the same male/female economic disparities exist.

In addition, NPR published an article on a study about African American female students being far more likely to ve suspended in school than their male counterparts and Caucasian females and males. You can read the article here. This is another example of intersection theory as applied to real life, further demonstrating the levels of discrimination and inequality felt by minorities.

Another way to think about intersection theory as a whole is to think of it in the following manner:

Imagine that it is a hot day, but due to social norms you still have to wear clothing.  Some people get to wear very few pieces of clothing (e.g. shorts and a t shirt), whereas other people are required to wear multiple layers of clothing (e.g stockings, socks, pants, shirts, sweaters, etc.).  Each layer of clothing that a person is required to wear is a different identity that someone has, be it voluntarily or involuntarily accepted identity.  Because it is a hot day those with less clothing will be more comfortable than those forced to wear multiple layers of clothing, and those with fewer layers of clothing will have less difficulty accomplishing tasks, even simple tasks, than those who are wearing multiple layers of clothing.  You can probably understand the difficulties faced by those who are forced to wear multiple layers of clothing versus those who are not, and that is exactly what happens in society on a daily basis in regards to their identities.  

In conclusion intersection theory is the study of different layers of identity, specifically minority identities (including but not limited to race, ethnicity, gender, class, sexuality, and religion), that when combined perpetuate further oppression and discrimination.  It is important to acknowledge the effects of these multiple layers of identity since the combination of these minority identities will cause more or less oppression and discrimination.  We see the point of intersection theory in income disparities among racial/ethnic and gender minorities, as well as with racial and ethnic minorities and women (another minority group) on average making less weekly income but ethnic/racial minority women making far less than ethnic/racial minority men.  Intersection theory is a very real phenomenon and one that cannot and must not be ignored.

Works Cited

Bureau of Labor Statistics

Sociology, John Macionis, Prentice Hall, 13th edition.
 



Saturday, March 21, 2015

Guest Post: Caroline Robertson, Anthropology Student, & Her Start in Cultural Anthropology


The following is a guest post by a former student of mine, Caroline Robertson.  It discusses her journey into ethnographic research as an undergraduate anthropology student, and it provides a very real portrayal of the realities of performing research, particularly for a novice ethnographer.  She recently won an award for a formal paper on this ethnographic research.  Caroline will be attending graduate school in the fall at UNLV, where she'll continue her studies in anthropology and history.

            Ethnography is not what I thought it would be. At this time I have come to love it, but it was not what I was expecting. I was expecting excitement, ease, and enlightenment. I got two out of the three but in very different ways.
            I ended my junior year of college with the goal of performing an ethnography on the stigmas that are placed on patients that come into a hospital with Hepatitis C. Because of volunteering at the local hospital, I noticed a reoccurring stigma behind diagnosed Hepatitis C patients that was exhibited by the hospital staff. I presented this idea to a professor who works in medical anthropology who agreed to guide me in my proposed ethnographic research. But by the time I met with my professor for the second time, I had realized that I had bitten off more than I could chew.
            My professor first prescribed me with a list of readings to review so that I may have a better understanding of how to write a proposal of research for the Human Subjects Committee (HSC). The first draft I had my professor review needed major revisions. After this, it took me about three more times to get my work presentable for the committee. After I had done this, I went on a major Amazon shopping trip. I spent one hundred and fifty dollars on books that had to do with Hepatitis C patients and ethnographic research. I lived and breathed research for the next month. Then my life hit some rough patches. Relationships began not working out in my life, I was thrown into a deep depression, and then I just gave up on my intended research.
            After this, I questioned everything I was doing in my life. I questioned why I wanted to do this ethnographic research and why I was majoring in anthropology. I thought I loved the discipline. I had fallen in love with it my first year of college when I took Dr. Boston’s introduction to biological anthropology course. I was intrigued by all the possibilities that the major offered to those who were willing to study. I loved how to discipline was so interchangeable and included everything I wanted to do.
            Nevertheless here I was, looking for another discipline to major in.  I thought about all the things that I might like to do excluding anthropology. I had ten windows open on my computer of different majors that I might like, but I never got the courage up to officially change my major.
            After the summer, I was beginning the first semester of my senior year. I had a new outlook on life and was finally starting to get out of my depression. I had a new schedule of classes ranging from anthropology (still my major) to criminal justice, just to see what else was out there. I took an anthropological writing course and decided to give myself one more shot at anthropology before I made my decision. After a discussion with my friend, I decided to perform an ethnography on a local tragedy, the Herrin Massacre.
            I had always been interested in history, especially that of tragedy. When my friend told me about the massacre, I wondered why I hadn’t heard of it before. After all, Carbondale is only a fifteen-minute drive from the town and my dad is from the southern Illinois area. I thought for sure that that I would have been informed of that large of a tragedy before now. I began doing research on the massacre and found out why I hadn’t heard of it before; the people of Herrin don’t like to talk about it. They don’t like to bring it up and they don’t like outsiders asking about it. It’s a taboo subject for most people in the area and they would like to forget that it happened.
            For this ethnography, I filled out another HSC application for SIU to receive permission to interview the people of Herrin about the massacre. After I received my approval, I went to work contacting everyone I knew that was from southern Illinois to see if they had any connection with Herrin. I threw myself into this research much like I had the last one. I read as many books on the Herrin Massacre as possible. I emailed librarians and historical society members to see if I could get an interview with anyone from the area. After I got one interview, I got another. And another. And another. I finished my research at the end of my semester and received an A on my ethnography for the class.
            The main difference between the ethnography on Hepatitis C and the Herrin Massacre was my state of health and my interest in the subject. I was mentally healthier when I performed an ethnography this time. I felt more connected to my interviews and found that I was much more interested in historical anthropology than that of medical anthropology. I enjoyed my interviews and was enlightened by the information I learned from my project. My final project did not come easy to me, but I was passionate about the subject. I went from looking for another field to major in and fell back in love with anthropology. I found out that how you approach a situation will have a big affect on how much you enjoy it.
 

Saturday, March 14, 2015

America’s Archaeological Treasure: Cahokia Mounds


Figure 1: Artistic rendition of site of Cahokia and ceramic found at the site (Source: Cahokia Mounds Official Webite)

Situated on the east side of the Mississippi River just outside of Collinsville, Illinois (which is 20 minutes drive from St. Louis, Missouri) sits one of the grandest sites in all of North America and the largest pre-Columbian settlement north of Mexico: Cahokia (Figure 1).  This site has received two prominent designations: 1) United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Origins (UNESCO) World Heritage site and 2) U.S. National Historic Landmark.  Despite these important historical and cultural designations not many people know about Cahokia.  This blog post is dedicated to providing readers with a comprehensive review of the site of Cahokia and what is known and still unknown about the site and the people that once resided there.

Cahokia is a Mississippian Period site that existed between A.D. 700 and 1400.  It received its name not from its original inhabitants (that totaled approximately 10,000 to 20,000 people at the site's height) but from an indigenous group that resided at the site 200 years after its abandonment.  The French encountered the Cahokia people in the 1600s when the French came to the area, and in the mid-1800s local historians associated this indigenous group with the ancient city, which is how the site received its name. 

Interest in the site did not last long after that, in part because of the prevailing attitudes of the time that focused not on elevating indigenous groups but in diminishing them.  As such, the site was largely ignored and served as the location of a gambling hall, subdivision, airfield, and pornographic drive-in.  It was also a favorite sledding spot for many of my friends’ parents and grandparents, who regaled me with childhood tales of such events while I grew up an hour north of the site.  The fate of Cahokia forever changed in the 1960s when expansion of the US interstate system was underway and the government authorized archaeological investigations of all construction areas prior to breaking ground.  As a result thorough archaeological investigations were undertaken and continue today, and much has been learned about the site and its original residents. 

Figure 2: Monk's Mound (Image Source: Cahokia Mounds Official Website)
The site of Cahokia covered six square miles and at once point encompassed 120 mounds, although only 68 exist today.  Three types of mounds existed at this site, and these included the platform mounds, which were used for ceremonial or political purposes, and the conical and ridge mounds, which were burial mounds.  The biggest mound, named Monks Mound (Figure 2) after the group of monks that resided at its base, still exists today, although it is not nearly as grand as it originally was due to natural and man-made erosive factors (see above regarding sledding at Cahokia).  The mound is believed to have stood ten stories tall and was quite possibly the paramount mound at the site, serving as either the key ceremonial or political structure.  Another mound, Mound 72, was a funerary mound that housed a high status male (Figure 3) who was laid out on several hundred shell beads that formed an eagle and interred with several young females (presumed by some to be “virgins”, although there is no osteological methods to confirm that assumption) and four decapitated males.    
 
Figure 3: Museum display of the primary burial in Mound 72 (Image Source: Rita Jean Moran)
The site, however, was also made up of additional structures, including a large plaza, rows of residences, and agricultural lands dedicated to corn cultivation just outside of the city.  There was also a wooden circular structure known as Woodhenge (Figure 4).  This structure was rebuilt and expanded at least five times.  It was made up of cedar posts that in its various incarnations may have been painted with red ochre.  Red ochre is considered a ceremonial agent, leading some scholars to associate Woodhenge as having some sort of ritual purpose.  Other scholars, however, believe that Woodhenge may have served an offensive purpose, protecting the Cahokian residents from attacks and civil unrest.

Figure 4: Woodhenge (Image Source: Cahokia Mounds Official Website)
Despite the great deal of what is known about the site there remain several unanswered questions.  Archaeologists do not precisely understand the purpose of the city, which was built over a short period of time but occupied for several centuries.  It appears that the city had some sort of significance to the local groups of the area based on its large size and potentially to outsiders across North America based on the presence of exotic items that originated in modern day northern Mexico and western Quebec.  But no modern indigenous group has any fables or indigenous knowledge of the site.  Also, it is presumed that the prehistoric Cahokian residents existed in a chiefdom society and were socially stratified, but it is unclear how specifically this sociopolitical organization existed.  Due to the loss of much of the site some of these questions may not be answered, but continued study of the site does lend hope to answering these questions.    

Bibliography