The Dinka of North Africa

Stock Photo of Dinka boys (Getty Images)

 

There are several African ethnic groups, but the three largest of northern Africa are the Nuer, Azande, and the Dinka.  Two of these three have been previously discussed on this blog, so it is only appropriate to cover the final group: the Dinka.  This blog post will address the cultural elements of the Dinka both in the past and today, thereby providing you (the reader) with a greater understanding of the rich cultural groups that exist on the African continent.

The Dinka are one of the largest Nilotic (meaning of the Nile) ethnic groups that exist in northern Africa, and they are the largest Nilotic group in South Sudan.  This is because the Dinka is a term that actually refers to several different groups who are linguistically and culturally similar, although they themselves feel that they are different based on their clan membership.  The Dinka also call themselves the Moinjaang, which means the “people of the people”. 

Culturally, the Dinka are very similar to other north African cultural groups, such as the Nuer.  This similarity is largely based on their primary subsistence strategy, the pastoralism of cattle, as well as the cultural importance of cattle to the Dinka.  Much like the Nuer the Dinka derive their names based on their cattle, as well as hold important initiations and rituals that revolve around their cattle.  A man’s social status is also based on the number of cattle he owns and tends to, with the more cattle equating to greater social status.

Historically, the Dinka were exclusively pastoralists.  Men would tend to the cattle, while young boys would tend to the sheep and goats.  The Dinka were therefore nomadic and would set up temporary shelters to allow their herds to graze in areas best suited for the dry or rainy seasons.  Today, as a result of British colonization and changes instituted as a result, the Dinka have incorporated agriculture into their subsistence strategies.  Men and young boys continue to herd cattle, sheep, and goats, while women are the primary agriculturalists, tending to beans, corn, grains, peanuts, and other miscellaneous crops.  Distinct divisions of labor continue to exist among the Dinka as they had in the past, with women being primarily responsible for domestic duties that keep them close to their permanent homes, while men remain responsible for pastoral/animal husbandry and travel away from the home for short periods of time.

The Dinka are also characterized by a series of cultural traditions that are common to African ethnic groups.  The Dinka practice the “bride price”, where a groom pays the bride’s family to compensate for their loss in her income to the family, as well as to pledge his commitment to any children born of the union.  The Dinka also elected not to wear clothing, save beads worn around the neck or wrist.  Married women, however, would opt to wear a goat skin cloth to demonstrate their married status.  Rites of passage, such as transitioning from childhood to adulthood, would be marked by specific rituals unique to the Dinka, which included the removal of teeth and scarification of the face. 

The Dinka have been steadfast in keeping their traditional ways of life despite interference by outside groups.  Before the British the Dinka were at war with Arab invaders who sought to conquer and control territory in north Africa.  After the British the Dinka were swept up in the Sudanese Civil War.  Several thousand Dinka fled Africa as a result, creating Dinka diasporas throughout Europe, North America, and Australia.  Many of the Dinka who remained in the region were affected by the warfare in various ways.  Many men elected to fight with the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, and many women and children were sold into slavery or became victims of human trafficking throughout the region and abroad.  Today, the Dinka do not face any sort of formal conflict with neighboring groups, but the effects of these intrusions have resulted in some changes to their traditional ways.  This is scene in the incorporation of clothing and the preference for a bride who has a university education.  These are examples of changes occurring among the Dinka, but overall the cultural changes are slow and are not indicative of full-scale assimilation of the Dinka into another cultural group.  Much like the other two ethnic groups of the region the Dinka remain steadfast to who they are.

Bibliography

Gurtong. (2019). Dinka (Jieng, Muony-Jang). Retrieved from Bringing South Sundanese Together: http://www.gurtong.net/Peoples/ThePeopleandDemographicsofSouthSudan/DinkaJieng/tabid/189/Default.aspx

Jenkins, O. B. (2010). People Profile: The Dinka of South Sudan. Retrieved from Strategy Leader Resource Kit: http://strategyleader.org/profiles/dinka.html

Minority Rights Group International. (2008, July). Sudan: Dinka. Retrieved from World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples: https://minorityrights.org/minorities/dinka/

 

Bogged Down: A Discussion of European Bog Bodies

Figure 1: Tollund Man, a Bog Body found in Denmark (Source: Smithsonian Magazine)

When you hear the term ‘mummy’ your mind might wander to the great Egyptian mummies or perhaps the ice mummies of Peru, but the reality is that mummies exist around the world and are formed by both natural and anthropogenic (man made) processes.  Because mummification is more commonplace than one might realize there are pockets of mummies and mummification practices that can be found around the world.  Today’s blog post addresses one such pocket: the Bog Bodies of Europe.  This blog post will discuss what Bog Bodies are and their significance to the bioarchaeological record of European populations.

Bog Bodies is a term used to characterized naturally mummified remains found in peat bogs throughout Europe (Figure 1).  Peat bogs provide optimal conditions for mummification of various tissues as the anaerobic, acidic environments of the peat bogs “freeze” the remains at the time of the disposal, often times preserving the entire corpse and anything associated with it (e.g. clothing and other artifacts).  It is important to note that ancient populations were not intentionally mummifying their dead.  It is believed that the bodies were dumped in peat bogs as an easy, potentially quick means of disposal or for specific ritual purposes, and the spontaneous mummification of the remains was an unintended consequence of the chosen disposal spot. 

Bog Bodies were first discovered throughout Europe in the 18^th century and continue to be discovered periodically today.  They were commonly discovered by peat-cutters, who harvested peat from the bogs for fuel.  Unfortunately, many of the Bog Bodies were destroyed through this process as they were viewed as haunting or unnecessary, which caused a loss of information pertaining to the Bog Bodies themselves and the practices associated with them.  Thankfully, there have been a number of Bog Bodies recovered and studied by anthropologists, and these anthropologists have managed to collect information about the individuals and the mortuary practices related to Bog Bodies.

Anthropologists have gained quite a bit of knowledge from the Bog Bodies.  First, it appears that men, women, and children were subject to being disposed of in bogs.  It is not quite clear as to why corpses were placed in bogs, although one theory suggests that there may have been a ritual component attached to the practice.  This based on the staking of some Bog Bodies into the bog, thereby prohibiting their removal.  The artifacts associated with the Bog Bodies have provided great insights into the trade practices of ancient European groups, demonstrating long distance trade was common.  Insights into the cultural practices related to clothing and hair styles have also been gleaned.  Bog Body autopsies have provided insights into the diets of the people of the past, which is consistent with other archaeological studies in the matter (e.g. largely plant based with some meat). 

Ultimately, while there is quite a bit known about the Bog Bodies discovered thus far there remain mysteries, too.  As study of the Bog Bodies continue we will learn more not just about the individual Bog Bodies but also the cultures associated with them.  Given the great geographical scope of the Bog Bodies it is unlikely that there will be many similarities among them, but each new discovery provides the opportunity to learn more about the individuals and their associated culture.

Bibliography

Kelly, E. (2013). An archaeological interpretation of Irish Iron Age bog bodies.Archaeol Violence Interdiscip Approaches, 2, 232.

Lynnerup, N. (2010). Medical imaging of mummies and bog bodies–a mini-review. Gerontology, 56(5), 441-448.

Omar, S., McCord, M., & Daniels, V. (1989). The conservation of bog bodies by freeze-drying. Studies in Conservation, 34(3), 101-109.

Van der Plicht, J., Van der Sanden, W. A. B., Aerts, A. T., & Streurman, H. J. (2004). Dating bog bodies by means of 14C-AMS.Journal of archaeological science, 31(4), 471-491.

Villa, C., & Lynnerup, N. (2012). Hounsfield Units ranges in CT-scans of bog bodies and mummies. Anthropologischer Anzeiger, 69(2), 127-145.

Unraveling the Mystery of the Quipu: The “Writing” System of the Ancient Andes

Figure 1: Quipu (American Museum of Natural History)

When you think about writing you probably think of composing a series of words onto a medium such as a piece of paper or into your computer or phone.  The words you write are made up of a series of letters that are used to spell out specific words that can be read by anyone who understands the language of the text.  This idea comes to mind because that is how you (and most of us) learn to communicate through writing, but not all cultures learned how to write using the same alphabet we used.  Linguistic anthropologists recognize that a series of alphabets can and are often used to communicate specific languages, and you may be familiar with this concept if you have ever learned Spanish, German, or Chinese.  Each of these languages have their own letters or scripts used to communicate their language through text. 

What you may not be familiar with are the languages that do not utilize traditional alphabets that many modern language systems do.  One such writing system is known as the quipu (khipu), which is a series of knotted ropes meant to communicate numbers and ideas.  Today’s blog post will explore what the quipu was, who used it, its importance, as well as it discontinued use.

The quipu is a system of recording through a series of knotted ropes (Figure 1).  Believed to have been developed as early as 900 AD the quipus are popularly associated with the ancient Inca of Peru, although the quipu was definitely utilized by the Huari and potentially other Pre-Columbian Andean cultural groups.  Unfortunately, around 750 quipus exist today, having been destroyed by the Spanish Conquistadors, so are knowledge about them is limited to what little ethnohistoric information remains and what archaeologists are interpreting from the existing quipus.

The quipus were created primarily using cotton or camelid wool ropes, although there are a few ropes created from human or Taruca (Andean deer) hair or vegetable fibers.  The quipus themselves consisted of a long stick or rope that acted as the top or mounting of additional knotted ropes that conveyed the messages.  Each knotted rope consisted of a primary or main cord to which several pendent cords branched off.  Pendent cords held subsidiary cords.  Each level of the quipu was used to convey specific numeric information, enabling the reader (known as a quipucamayoc) to quickly interpret census numbers or other information concerning amounts of items, dates, or other numeric data.  The ropes were also displayed in various colors, which ethnohistoric information and archaeological interpretation supports notions of narrative information being recorded through the quipu.  Thus far scholars believe that each color represented a different group or class of people, from warriors and nobility to living versus the dead.  As the information conveyed in the quipu may have been limited the quipucamayoc were responsible for having excellent memories in order to remember and interpret the information stored within the quipus.

Because of the vast amount of information contained in the quipus they were an incredibly important recording devices among ancient Andean cultural groups.  In lieu of a written, alphabetic system the quipu allowed for communication within the Incan empire, which stretched from southern Ecuador to northern Chile.  The quipu traveled great distances throughout the empire, and their rope construction may have been optimal for travel by human messenger.  Furthermore, their rope construction also allowed them to be better able to survive over time, thereby allowing for the oral traditions housed within them to be preserved over the generations.

Unfortunately, the quipu tradition was forcibly discontinued by the Spanish Conquistadors, who associated the practice with the Inca faith.  As part of the charge of the Conquistadors by the Spanish crown was to spread and convert the conquered to Catholicism all elements of “pagan” faiths were destroyed, which included the quipu.  As a result the ability to read the quipu was lost, as was the knowledge used for their creation and the information stored within them.  Fortunately, archaeologists and other historical scholars are working diligently to unlock the information stored within the remaining quipus, which is providing us a greater knowledge base on what life was like in the ancient Andean worlds.

Bibliography

Cartwright, M. (2014, May 8). Quipu. Retrieved from Ancient History Encyclopedia: https://www.ancient.eu/Quipu/

Dixon, C. (n.d.). HUARI culture . Retrieved from Gold and the Incas: Lost Worlds of Peru: https://nga.gov.au/exhibition/Incas/Default.cfm?IRN=227101&BioArtistIRN=41379&MnuID=3&GalID=7&ViewID=2

Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino. (2003). Narrative Quipus? Retrieved from Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino: http://www.precolombino.cl/en/exposiciones/exposiciones-temporales/exposicion-quipu-contar-anudando-en-el-imperio-inka-2003/quipus-y-cuentos/

Phillips, T. (2014, May 5). The Knots in the Quipu, and in the Friar's Belt. Retrieved from American Mathematical Society: http://www.ams.org/publicoutreach/feature-column/fc-2014-05

Swetz, F. J. (2010). The Quipu. Retrieved from Mathematical Association of America: https://www.maa.org/press/periodicals/convergence/the-quipu

  

Written in Stone: A Review of Roman Graffiti

Figure 1: Roman Graffiti (Source: Tony Lilley)

 

Graffiti is a term used to describe writings or drawings, often created without permission, left in public view.  Today in American (and many Western) society(ies), there is a love/hate relationship with graffiti.  Some are fans, claiming it is an important means of self-expression, whereas others identify it as a blight and a form of vandalism.  Chances are you have seen some sort of graffiti (if not been a creator of it)-be it on train cars, bathroom walls, tags on playgrounds or fire hydrants, or any number of other locations.  Graffiti may be controversial, but it is an excellent source of information about the people and culture of the area where it is found.  This makes it of particular interests to anthropologists of all kinds, particularly archaeologists who want to gain insights into groups of people that historians often neglect to mention.  This blog post will further explore the ancient graffiti of ancient Romans and address what sorts of information we can glean from the study of graffiti.

The ancient graffiti found throughout several Roman cities, particularly Pompeii and Herculaneum, has provided great insights into the popular culture and common Roman people (Figure 1).  These cities, which were locked in time due to a volcanic eruption that decimated the cities and their inhabitants over a period of three days, hold a treasure trove of information related to what ancient Roman life was like.  Because the volcanic ash covered the cities so quickly it also provided optimal preservation to allow for easy study of what remains.  This is perfect for studies of ancient Roman graffiti, which exists in several Roman sites but may no longer be accessible due to natural and man-made degradation of sites.

From studies of ancient graffiti at Pompeii and Herculaneum archaeologists have learned that people were far more literate than what was originally believed.  Graffiti was created by every member of Roman society, which included men, women, slaves, free citizens, rich, and poor, particularly as it was an accepted means of writing (versus today).  Many graffiti writers signed their names and provided additional identifying remarks (e.g. “I am a slave”), thereby allowing scholars to get this information.  As the graffiti was created by all members of the Roman society greater insights into the daily lives of the common people is able to be collected.  

Figure 2: Graffiti of a Bird (Source: Carole Raddato)

While there is a great diversity in the types of messages left in ancient Roman graffiti there are several central themes.  First, the large majority of the graffiti is written messages, although there are quite a few pictures as well.  The pictures largely include people, particularly gladiators, and items, such as animals and boats (Figure 2), that were commonly used or seen by the local people.  One particular image that was common place was the penis.  Several of the penis images were meant to be vulgar, but the majority of them were actually meant to promote good luck either to the individuals or locations where the images were produced.

Written graffiti messages also had specific themes.  As is the case today, one of the most common messages was “(name) was here”.  Ancient Romans wanted to memorialize their presence in specific important locations.  Other messages included messages of good tidings (e.g. “Pompeii is a wonderful place to visit”), declarations of love, announcements of hate, as well as messages against improper actions, particularly related to people defecating in public places.  The messages of love are quite interesting as they describe both heterosexual and homosexual relationships (the latter being a little more popular than the former), as well as display situations of unrequited love, such as the case of a man declaring his love for a slave girl who did not share these same feelings.

Overall, the graffiti found in ancient Roman contexts provides us a great deal of insights into the lives of the common people in Roman, thereby increasing our knowledge and understanding of this once great culture.  Through the study of the graffiti we can see that the ancient Romans were not that different from modern people.  They felt love, loss, and offense to negligence just as we do today.  They were fascinated by the sights they saw, as well as felt a desire to memorialize their presence.  As the saying goes, The more things change the more they stay the same, and the evidence of ancient Roman graffiti definitely supports that.   

Bibliography

Benefiel, R. R. (2018). The Ancient Graffiti Project: A Digital Resource for Studying the Graffiti of Herculaneum and Pompeii. Retrieved from Ancient Graffiti.org: http://ancientgraffiti.org/Graffiti/

Edwards, C. (2017, July 20). ‘Graffiti in Pompeii and Herculaneum give insight into groups marginalized by history books’. Retrieved from The Local: https://www.thelocal.it/20170720/pompeii-herculaneum-graffiti-history-archaeology-marginalized-groups-ancient-rome-slaves-women-vesuvius-social-media

Harvey, B. (2018, December 30). Graffiti from Pompei. Retrieved from Pompeiana.org: http://www.pompeiana.org/Resources/Ancient/Graffiti%20from%20Pompeii.htm

Ohlson, K. (2010, July 26). Reading the Writing on Pompeii’s Walls. Smithsonian Magazine.

Taylor, E. (2016). Ostia Graffiti. Retrieved from Ostia-Antica.org: http://ostia-antica.org/inter/graffiti.html

Williams, A. (2013, January 31). What Does First-century Roman Graffiti Say? National Geographic Magazine.