El Dia de los Muertos: What It Is & What It Is Not

Figure 1: Dia de los Muertos altar in Washington, D.C. (Source: NPR)

You may have heard of the holiday Dia de los Muertos (English translation: Day of the Dead) (Figure 1).  For better or worse it has become a part of American popular culture and a large part been culturally appropriated, but some believe its popularity has also driven its recognition and increased the number of individuals who legitimately celebrate it.  But what exactly is it?  With its brightly colored skulls and boisterous parties many mistake Dia de los Muertos as Mexican Halloween, but it has nothing to do with Halloween.  Today’s blog post will discuss what exactly Dia de los Muertos is and what it means to those who celebrate it traditionally.

Dia de los Muertos is a holiday that originated 3000 years ago in Mexico.  It is a combination of Aztec and Catholic beliefs that have intermixed over the generations.  A celebration of life, not death as it is often mistaken to be about, Dia de los Muertos is celebrated over a period of three days, beginning on October 31.  Each day of the holiday is reserved for specific commemorations of the lives of the deceased, with November 1 & 2 representing the memorialization of children who died, followed by adults who passed away. 

Family members and friends construct an altar in their homes to which they make ofrendas (offerings) for the purpose of gifting to the spirits of their deceased loved ones.  These ofrendas are central to the holiday and are meant to represent the four elements.  Ofrendas include but are not limited to favorite foods, toys, drinks, and other items related to the deceased.  The altars are decorated with additional ofrendas, including pitchers of water, cempasúchiles (Mexican marigolds), sugar skulls, bread, papel picado (tissue paper decorated with cut outs), and candles.  Ofrendas can also be left at the graves of the deceased, not just at the home altar.  Other activities include parties, games, dinners, and any other events that the deceased enjoyed in life.  Ultimately, these actions are meant to draw the attention of the deceased, who are believed to be able to return to earth to celebrate with their living loved ones.  Again, these celebrations are about remembering the lives of those who lived, but it is also about acknowledging the natural order of the life and death cycle. 

Several Latin American cultures have adopted Dia de los Muertos or a version of it.  As noted in a previous blog post Chileans celebrate Dia de los Santos, which is similar but also different from Dia de los Muertos.  Given the popularity of the holiday here in the US, particularly among non-Latinos, there is a risk of the holiday losing its original meaning.  The purpose of the holiday has changed among Mexicans as some have taken to highlighting civil rights abuses (e.g. the large number of women killed in Mexico annually), but the original intent of the holiday remains the same.  For those who are not of Latino descent it is requested that if you do celebrate the holiday that you do so with respect and the knowledge of its original purpose and rituals.  Ultimately, remembering the lives of those who have passed can be a cathartic way of handling grief and celebrating life, which is central to Dia de los Muertos.

Bibliography

Anderson, M. (2016, October 30). 5 Facts About Día de los Muertos (The Day of the Dead). Retrieved from Smithsonian Insider: https://insider.si.edu/2016/10/5-facts-dia-de-los-muertos-day-dead/

Dobrin, I. (2017, November 2). Día De Los Muertos Comes To Life Across The Mexican Diaspora. Retrieved from NPR: https://www.npr.org/2017/11/02/561527322/mexicos-celebrated-d-a-de-los-muertos-evolves-in-the-u-s

National Geographic Society. (2012, October 17). Dia de los Muertos. Retrieved from National Geographic: https://www.nationalgeographic.org/media/dia-de-los-muertos/

Unitarian Universalist Association. (2018). Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Dead). Retrieved from Unitarian Universalist Association: https://www.uua.org/worship/holidays/dia-de-los-muertos

The Mummy’s Curse Revisited: New Developments from Northern Chile

Figure 1: Reproduction of the mummies and their burial

In a previous blog post the topic of the mummy’s curse was addressed, and it was largely rejected.  New evidence, however, has turned this notion on its head.  The discovery of poisoned clothing on two mummies from northern Chile has breathed new life into the curse and provide evidence to support its authenticity.  This blog post will address the evidence that demonstrates proof that the mummy’s curse may be a real thing after all (at least in some cases).

In 1976 road construction near Iquique, Chile, uncovered a magnificent find: the mummified remains of two young women, ages 9 and 18-20, who had been sacrificed as part of the intricate Capacocha ritual (Figure 1).  The Capacocha ritual is an Inca specific custom that was held to memorialize important events related to the Inca emperor, such as his death; end abhorrent weather phenomenon; foster plentiful harvests; or meet the requirements of specific religious ceremonies.  The women were interred with 104 burial goods, including ceramics, Spondylus shell, chuspa bags, silver ornaments, metallic figurines, and many more.  In addition, they were clothed in red garments and the bodies and burial goods were covered in a red powder.  These women are believed to have traveled from Cusco, Peru, a trip that would have taken several months, to their final destination near Iquique for the purpose of sacrifice, which would have linked the local northern Chilean populations to the Inca empire (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Map of South America demonstrating distance between Cuzco to Iquique

 

Initially, the burial was widely studied, but the powder found in the burial and that dyed their clothing was not considered anything special.  The use of red powder, such as red ochre, is commonplace in mortuary rituals of the past among cultures around the globe.  The significance of the red powder among the Inca is one that signifies elite status, and given the importance of the Capacocha ritual it made sense that the women would be covered with it.  More recent study by Dr. Bernardo Arriaza and colleagues, however, provides new insights into the red powder.  While initially written off as a benign aspect of the tomb it is now realized that the red powder is actually cinnabar, which is what is used to collect mercury.  Furthermore, the nearest cinnabar mine is several thousand miles away, meaning it was transported a great distance to be used as a dye and to cover the burial. 

These are significant finds for the interpretation of the burial, but they also indicate another important consideration for archaeologists: they make the study of these women incredibly dangerous.  Inhalation of cinnabar can lead to poisoning and potentially death (dependent on the amount of cinnabar that is consumed and the health of the individual).  Arriaza and his team caution that the presence of red pigments in Inca or other pre-Columbian Andean burial should be met with extreme caution until the red pigment is identified.  In the event that the pigment is red cinnabar special care needs to be taken in studying the burial goods and human remains, as well as in their storage.  Ultimately, failure to do so will lead to the realization of the mythical mummy’s curse, which up until now was considered an overblown work of fiction. 

This new evidence suggests that what started out as a cautionary tale to ward off looters of ancient burial grounds may actually have some truth attached to it.  This does not mean that archaeologists need to be fearful of excavating, but they should be more cautious and aware when they do it.  This is not the first-time archaeologists have had to deal with potential hazards in the field, but this is a good reminder of the potential hazards that archaeologists may face when excavating.  Ultimately, we never know what we will find when we start excavating, and one should always remember safety first.

Works Cited

Arriaza, B., Ogalde, J. P., Campos, M., Paipa, C., Leyton, P., & Lara, N. (2018). Toxic Pigment in a Capococha Burial: Instrumental Identification of Cinnabar in Inca Human Remains from Iquique, Chile. Archaeometry, pp. 1-10.

The Roanoke Nightmare Solved?

Figure 1: Map of Roanoke Island

If you read the title of this post you are probably expecting the answer to the mystery of the missing Roanoke colonists.  Or perhaps you are just curious about the story behind the missing Roanoke colonists.  You will actually get both.  This post will explore the story of the Roanoke colonists, as well as the archaeological evidence that has been discovered thus far, followed by what archaeological and genetic studies are planned to help solve this mystery, which (spoiler alert!) remains unsolved.

The Roanoke mystery begins in 1587 when a group of English colonists arrived on the island, just off the coast of North Carolina (Figure 1).  Led by John White they were tasked with colonizing the New World, and they immediately took up that task.  The first colonist birth occurred in this group as Virginia Dare, White’s granddaughter, was born, followed by an unidentified child shortly thereafter.  Unfortunately for White and the rest of the Roanoke colonists they ran out of supplies, and White left for England to collect additional resources.  His departure to England was uneventful, but his return to the New World and his family was as the Spanish were at war with the English.  He finally departed three years later and arrived to Roanoke to find it empty.  The only clues of the whereabouts of the colonists were two trees: one with the word “Cro” carved in it and the other with the word “Croatoan” carved in it.  White and his crew searched for years for the lost colonists, but they and any physical remnants of the settlement had disappeared.  The legend of the Roanoke colony was born.

Archaeologists have been seeking out the answers to this mystery for a number of years.  In 1998 they thought they had made headway when an excavation at Hatteras Island turned up several European artifacts found among Native American artifacts.  These included remnants of a sword, English pottery, and a ring (Figure 2).  The lead archaeologist took the ring to a local jeweler for analysis, and he determined it was a gold ring.  The inscriptions were analyzed by another expert who determined that the signet was a lion and linked to the Kendall family, which was one of the original Roanoke families.  This led the archaeological team to conclude that the Roanoke colonists had abandoned their settlement and assimilated with the local Native American group, specifically the Croatoan Indians.  It was hypothesized that they left out of necessity, brought with them only their most cherished possessions, and passed them down through the generations, hence why the artifacts ended up on a different island.

Figure 2: The ring discovered at Hatteras Island believed to be linked to the Kendall family

 

Subsequent analysis of the artifacts, however, demonstrated that the lynch pin in this hypothesis, the ring, was not gold but brass.  It turned out that the lead archaeologist stretched the truth of his initial analyses as the jeweler was not authorized to do tests that would have confirmed the diagnosis of the ring being gold.  The jeweler claimed that he never said that the ring was definitively gold either.  The other expert who claimed that the signet belonged to the Kendall family also said that he never quite said that, and instead stated that the signet was definitely a lion, which was part of the Kendall family crest.  This information placed serious doubts on the original 1998 study.

All is not lost, however.  Renewed interest in the Roanoke colony has initiated new studies, both archaeological and genetic.  Advances in archaeological study, specifically ground penetrating radar (GPR), has uncovered a potential structure under the surface of the Hatteras Island soil, and excavations on the area is ongoing as a result.  Historical evidence suggests that the Hatteras Indians (aka the Croatoans) resembled white settlers based on later colonists’ observations, which also supports the assimilation hypothesis.  This is also supported by ethnohistoric evidence that documents Native Americans claiming the Roanoke colonists left the island and joined at least two Native American groups, died, or were enslaved.  Unfortunately, these historical accounts may not be directly linked to Roanoke or be completely accurate.  The Hatteras Indians were in contact with various European groups, and they could have procreated with any number of those groups, not exclusively the Roanoke colonists (if at all).  Furthermore, it is believed that the Native American accounts may have been exaggerated or falsified to impart fear in European colonists against the Native Americans they despised.  Either way genetic studies are being pursued, but due to poor records and the inability to accurately locate any family members from England who may be related to the Roanoke colonists the researchers have put out a specific call for volunteers to assist in the investigation.

As these new investigations continue and make headway there is hope for a resolution in the matter of what ultimately happened with the Roanoke colonists.  There is also the risk that nothing will be concluded as some scholars, specifically geologists, believe that natural erosive processes have already washed away the critical evidence.  The excavations and genetic studies are moving forward, though, and either way we will learn something more than what we previously knew on this matter.

References

Archaeologyincommunity. (2017, June 14). The Archaeology of Roanoke: The Lost Colony. Retrieved from Archaeology in Community: http://www.archaeologyincommunity.com/the-archaeology-of-roanoke-the-lost-colony/

Estes, R. (2018, June 28). The Lost Colony of Roanoke: Did They Survive? – National Geographic, Archaeology, Historical Records and DNA. Retrieved from DNAeXplained – Genetic Genealogy: https://dna-explained.com/2018/06/28/the-lost-colony-of-roanoke-did-they-survive-national-geographic-archaeology-historical-records-and-dna/

Lawler, A. (2015, August 7). We Finally Have Clues to How the Lost Roanoke Colony Vanished. Retrieved from National Geographic: https://news.nationalgeographic.com/2015/08/150807-lost-colony-roanoke-hatteras-outer-banks-archaeology/

Lawler, A. (2017, April 7). The Mystery of Roanoke Endures Yet Another Cruel Twist. Retrieved from Smithsonian Magazine: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/mystery-roanoke-endures-yet-another-cruel-twist-180962837/

Lawler, A. (2018, June 6). Archaeologists start a new hunt for the fabled Lost Colony of the New World. Retrieved from Science Magazine: http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2018/06/archaeologists-start-new-hunt-fabled-lost-colony-new-world

O'Callaghan, J. (2018, June 11). Could The Mystery Of The Lost Colony Of Roanoke Finally Be Solved? Retrieved from IFLScience: http://www.iflscience.com/editors-blog/archaeologists-are-trying-to-solve-the-mystery-of-the-lost-colony-of-north-america/

The First Colony Foundation. (2018). Archaeology. Retrieved from The First Colony Foundation: https://www.firstcolonyfoundation.org/archaeology/